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Politics, self esteem and social policy

 

We all have private ails.  The troublemakers are they who need public cures for their

private ails.    Eric Hoffer

 

Years ago, politicians worked through their self esteem issues just like every one else.  They got drunk, fought with their spouses, broke up with their girlfriends, embarrassed themselves publicly and made intemperate remarks around a reporter.  Shortly thereafter, they sobered up, took four aspirins, apologized to their loved ones and prepared clarifications of their thoughtless remarks.  Humility was, ironically, the cure for low self esteem. The politician kept a low profile and the passing of time restored their self respect.

 

Today, politicians suffer from a more virulent strain of self-esteem disorder.  They still drink and they still act out.  They have exotic mistresses in Argentina or they father children with their videographer.  But the troubling moment of humility has been sidestepped.  Humility is so inefficient without the “sorry” part.  Self esteem issues are now a lifelong affliction, not a passing moment of weakness.  It requires Prozac or Zoloft, not aspirin. 

 

Nothing pains a politician more than insecurity, the looming thought that they are not essential, perhaps not even relevant.  Serious medicine is called for and it comes out in the form of social policy.  The environmental catastrophe of global warming will be addressed with the economic catastrophe of Cap and Trade.  The federal government takes over private companies and Speaker Pelosi?  How else do you explain a 1,990 page health insurance reform act?  The Republicans don’t have enough votes to address their self esteem issues.  Their wound will fester until they are once again the majority.  Then, watch out.

 

Low self esteem is a mental health crisis for politicians.  It goes into a brief remission following elections, but it haunts them.  They undertake big initiatives to quiet the demons, but the urge is never sated.  

 

As of 12/31/08, for the first time, the combined present value of the national debt coupled with the unfunded future obligations accruing to Social Security and Medicare (53 trillion) exceeded household net worth (51.5 trillion).  Since that time, the first number has increased and the second number decreased.  Think about that.   And we are still talking about more spending. 

 

Grandiose ambition is now therapy and the country can't afford it.  Politics has become reality television with actual consequences.  We can’t afford to indulge the actors because of the money involved.  Voters need to restore the missing element of humility.  When your elected representatives are arrogant and surly, withhold your applause.   When financially reckless, withhold your vote.

 

 
 
 
 
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Republicans "After the loving"

 
" I knew it was time to quit, when it didn't hurt to play bad anymore."  A former PGA tour player explained his transition from competitor to private citizen this way.  It is poignant and sad, the moment when what was everything, becomes nothing.  It is the moment when your expectations die.
 
Some Republican lawmakers may face these transition to private citizen moments before the next election cycle.  It is time to quit when, it doesn't hurt to be a hypocrite anymore.
 
Republican hearts are all aflutter now that disenchantment with hope and change is spreading.   It's time to dust off the 'small government, fiscal discipline' mantras that live in republican hearts from the primary to general election every couple years.  This is the valentine that Republicans send to voters.  Then, off to Washington, where 'small government, fiscal discipline' is so yesterday. 
 
Washington is San Padre island for Republicans.  The Democrats don't have a curfew, they have a credit card, a platinum card actually and a printing press.  All Republicans have is 'small government, fiscal discipline."  They want to go on spring break, too.   And they do.  That is precisely the problem.
 
Republicans delude themselves if they think that voters regret sending them home in 2008.   They went to Washington.  They didn't study.  The didn't go to church on Sunday and they lied to the folks back home.  They spent recklessly.
 
Obama will have a hard sell to the voters come 2012.  But the voters will not reflexively turn back to Republicans.  Only a few of us remember Eisenhower.  The voters don't trust Republicans and only a select few, Ryan, Bachmann, Dreier.... have any stomach for being Republicans after the electoral loving.
 
A lot of people would like to vote for a Republican.  They are reluctant to do so because they have voted for Republicans.  "Relative" fiscal sanity is not going to cut it with voters this time. 
 
 
 
 
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Enemies of the State

 
The President gave his weekly radio address this morning.  It sounded a lot like a lawyer's opening statement in a criminal trial.  Or like the campaign.
 
"And there are still those who would try to kill reform at any cost"
 
Even the most mercenary among us cannot oppose reform at any cost.  At some point, the costs will exceed the benefits of opposing reform.
 
"And they are funding studies to mislead the American people"......"And of course like clockwork, we've seen folks on cable television, who know better, waving these industry laden studies in the air:  They claim premiums will go up under reform; but they know that the non-partisan CBO found that reforms will lower premums in a new insurance exchange offering protections that will limit out-of-pocket costs and prevent discrimination based on pre-existing conditions"
 
The CBO is the word of God when its conclusions are favorable to a political initiative.  But less than a month ago the administration was far less enamored of the same non-partisan CBO's conclusions.  Google 'CBO study flawed' and it will generate pages of results.  Someone is always unhappy with the results of a study and questions the methodology.  The president goes a step further.  He says the insurance companies commission studies to intentionally mislead the public.  One of four largest accounting firms in this country knowingly conspires in the effort.  The media, aware of such collusion, promote the results anyway.
 
This kind of cynicism is fair game during the campaign.  But as Mr.Obama pointed out during the transition, we have only one president at a time and he is now the president of all those people referred to above.  He is also president to the teabaggers, the global warming deniers, the Wall street money men, the Libertarians, the home schoolers, evangelical Christians and the secured creditors of Chrysler who had the temerity to prefer the bankruptcy court rather than the rescue plan.  It is time to stop attacking and address the concerns of those who deign to question him.
 
"I welcome a good debate.  I welcome the chance to defend our proposals and test our ideas in the fire of our democracy:  But what I  will not abide are those who will bend the truth or break it to score political points and stop our progress as a country."
 
President Obama has a gift for communication.  Lately, he has employed it recklessly.  While he may welcome a good debate, he is loathe to engage in one.  His responses are argumentative but not arguments.  Attacking the opposition is a tactic, not an argument.  It is employed in lieu of an argument.  Many people take issue with the viability of his proposed reform.  Few are trying to undermine the the progress of the country. 
 
I don't want to be a citizen under suspicion.  I lived six years under Nixon and spent four years in Jesuit schools.  Enough is enough.
 
 
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Obama: A generation "unburdened"

 
 

 

Press coverage often summarizes political remarks in a single sentence or phrase,   It fits nicely into a headline.  It provides a device for provoking conversation in the tightly scheduled formats of talk radio or cable news.  The utility of these key words is clear.  But now and then, it is helpful to review the full text of the speech or response that contained those remarks.  The most interesting stuff often has less journalistic utility.

 

President Obama made headlines back in April at Strasbourg with his remarks characterizing America as arrogant.  This became the ‘apology tour’ remark or the start of restoring America’s credibility in the world, depending on your viewpoint.

 

In another section of that speech, the president reveals the genesis of much of his vision.  He said, in part, “Each time we find ourselves at a crossroads, paralyzed by worn debates and stale thinking, the old ways of doing things, a new generation rises up and shows the way forward.  Because young people are unburdened by the biases or prejudices of the past.  This is a great privilege of youth.”

 

The biases that burden others contain an element of experience that colored the thinking of the individuals involved.  Naturally, that experience is not always processed fairly and the conclusions drawn from it are not always correct.  On the other hand, discounting the experience of previous generations does not make the present generation more informed.

 

Those, who are privileged to be unburdened by the biases of the past, are hardly without biases of the present.  Those biases may be purer, not so muddied by the experiences of their predecessors, but they are not absent.  The argument Mr. Obama makes, is not that the new generation is without bias, but that it is equipped with superior biases and is more receptive to change, albeit their own change.

 

It is not the development of social conscience that is the problem.  It is the persuasion that one has acquired something new, that one is in possession of something that no one ever had before.

 

The biases and prejudices of the past are sometimes impediments to embracing new thinking.  New thinking is a bit overrated.  Most of it is not that new, much of it having been considered and rightfully discarded by a previous ‘new generation’.

 

 

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Thatcher's question, Republican's dilemma?

 

 The Wall Street Journal ran the following excerpt from a speech that Margaret Thatcher gave in 1981.

 

To me, consensus seems to be the process of abandoning all beliefs, principles, values and policies in search of something, in which, no one believes but to which no one objects -  the process of avoiding the very issues that have to be solved, merely because you cannot get agreement on the way ahead.  What great issue would have been fought and won under the banner of “I stand for consensus.”   October 6, 2009 Notables and quotables

 

This statement lays out the dilemma facing Republicans on healthcare.  On the very same day the preceding appeared, Bob Dole counseled Republicans to seek consensus, to get on board with the inevitable passage of some bill.  In short, to be on the right side of the politics.

 

I have considerable respect for Bob Dole, but he has it completely wrong.  The President needs a bill, any bill.  It provides a platform from which further expansion can be fashioned.  Given Mr. Obama’s extra-constitutional proclivities, the reform will then be implemented off the books, so to speak.  Czars, regulators and an overly generous reading of executive power will limit the congressional role to appropriations from this point forward.

 

This bill will provide the president his “Lincoln logs.”  He will build the house later on, away from the scrutiny and troublesome oversight.

 

This reform is a hodgepodge of ill-conceived strategies thrown together almost randomly.  As Thatcher pointed out, there are issues that need to “solved.”  A small sample of those follows.

 

**  Guaranteeing affordable coverage without exceptions for past and pre-existing conditions can only be paid for by raising the premiums of those with better medical histories and lower foreseeable risks.  There is no money in the pantry to finance this.

 

**  The inclusion of a public option at a cost of 8 to 9 percent of gross payroll is an inducement for employers to dump their current coverages. 

 

**  A proposal to reduce reimbursements to the top ten percent (measured by the total dollars on care authorized) of physicians who treat Medicare clients is a nice idea that can’t work in the real world.  No one wants less money for treating more patients, specifically more very ill patients.  You cannot expand access by providing doctors disincentives to see patients.

 

This bill is not a carefully developed strategy based on a thoughtful analysis of trends, needs and capabilities.  The Democrats are correct.  Reforms are needed, but they are not ready. 

 

No Republican should vote for this bill.  This reform is a catastrophe in the making, combined with some short term political benefits for Democrats.  Republicans should do their homework and promise to be there if and when a realistic bill can be presented.  If the Democrats insist on passing this bill without any Republican support, Republicans should defer and let them own it.

 

We will learn a lot about the convictions of the Republican party in the near future.  Don’t expect profiles in courage.

 

A constituent recently asked a Wisconsin House member if she had read any of the proposed legislation.  She told her constituent that she has read the table of contents of one of the bills.  This legislation is not ready.  The elected representatives are not ready.  Again.
 
 
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Lies, damned lies and Beltway lies

 

Lies, damned lies and Beltway lies

 

“The first thing a man will do for his ideals is lie”   Joseph Schumpeter

 

Now that the L word has been uttered in polite company, we should think about it some.  What constitutes a lie in Washington?   Out in the Heartland, a dictionary definition is sufficient: false information deliberately conveyed for the purpose of deception.  The Beltway standard is more flexible.  It is not a lie if we are being deceived for our own good. 

 

In Washington, most lies are told, ostensibly, for our own good.  Left to our own devices, we might not grasp the nuances and thus come to the wrong conclusion.  The critical need to go to war, pass a stimulus package or reinvent the health insurance system cannot always be achieved by a rational analysis of the facts.   The ‘cause’ simply cannot be left at the mercy of the truth.

 

Let's examine a single sentence from the President's speech to the joint session of Congress.  Unlike other statements that are somewhat debatable, this one is patently false.  He said "30 million people cannot get health insurance."  There is no evidence that 30 million people are seeking health insurance, much less that it is unavailable to them.  The current mix of uninsured Americans includes several million who are currently eligible for Medicaid, but have not applied for it.  These individuals are not seeking coverage, nor is it unavailable to them.

 

In addition, there are an even greater number of financially capable, yet voluntarily uninsured people.  This choice may confound politicians, but it is a choice nonetheless.  Some young and healthy people choose to spend money on graduate school, new cars or investments in their own entrepreneurial enterprises rather than health care.  Some prefer to salt it away in their retirement accounts or use it to subsidize the difficult living situations of less fortunate family members.  The President and other advocates of this reform package may not understand or approve of these choices and they are free to say exactly that.  But once again, it is inaccurate to say these individuals cannot obtain health insurance.  You can parse the numbers a bit but that statement is untrue for about two-thirds of that 30 million.

 

President Obama continues to suggest that he can dramatically expand the pool of insured persons at a  fraction of the cost that private consumers pay for coverage (while in some cases expanding benefits, i. e. mandating colonoscopies and mammograms as part of the existing coverage) without rationing care.  That conclusion is almost certainly untrue.  It begs for a  more detailed discussion than it is getting.

 

Joseph Schumpeter could have said the last thing a man will do for his ideals is lie.  But he didn’t.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Letters to the editor

There is much to be learned from reading the Wall Street Journal editorial page but today the real wisdom is captured in the letters to the editors section.  Some Republicans have mistakenly interpreted the groundswell of anger toward the administration's overreaching as proof that the citizenry is now in thrall to the GOP.  No, seriously, some Republicans believe that.  Perhaps these letters will serve to disabuse them of that notion.
 
Michael Higgins of Maryland notes that while Obama is clearly on defense, the Republicans are not driving the offense  He writes "If Republicans misunderstand the nature of this rising storm, they will miss the opportunity to take advantage of it."  Larry DeVries of Minnesota observes that elected Republicans are following the opposition, not leading it.  "They may be the beneficiaries of the opposition in some future elections, but they have not led so far."  Anthony Williams suggests that Democrats and Republicans are little more than participants in a game funded by the taxpayers.
 
The philosopher Eric Hoffer wrote "It is a talent of the weak to think that they suffer for something when they suffer from something, to think they are showing the way when they are running away, to think that they see the light when they feel the heat, to believe they are the chosen when they are shunned."  A frightening description of Al Gore, most prominent Democrats and as it turns out, far too many Republicans.
 
The American people are, I believe, accurately portrayed as a center-right nation.  Philosophically, they support capitalism, self-determination and limited government.  But philosophy doesn't deliver unless the politicians do.  If the 'government control' ship has sailed, citizens will choose sides, aligning themselves with the party most likely to employ government control to their personal advantage.  We don't want the game to be fixed, but if it is fixed, we still want to be on the winning team.
 
The Republicans do not get a free pass this time.  It isn't enough to be "not Obama."  If you are going to be the guardians of economic freedom and fiscal responsibility, when will you start and what will you do?
 
In my very first article I wrote "As a conservative, I want to believe that our guys think that capitalism, over time, can rescue the poor while liberalism can only sustain them at some tolerable level of misery. I want to believe in Republicans who trust that the creation and market diffusion of wealth builds a stronger America. I want to believe in a Republican congress that wants to solve the entitlement crisis rather than own it. But I don’t.

Republicans always promise to safeguard the congressional henhouse, but history tells us that they really just want to fornicate with the other hens. It’s a shame because we are not in danger just from the ideological left. If the only thing Republicans advocate is a more modest socialism, a less powerful nanny state, pardon the electorate’s indifference."
 
Republican officials have quietly moved to the front of the angry crowd.  But that is not the same as leading and it isn't the same as governing.
 
 
 
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"The lion in winter"

 

 

A good American died this week, one, with whom I disagreed about almost everything. 

 

His worst moments were many and public.  Ted Kennedy will be remembered for his drinking, the unconscionable treatment of his first wife, the tragedy of Chappaquiddick and his unkind remarks during the Bork confirmation hearings.   Character weakness and circumstance often conspire to prevent us from making sufficient amends for our sins.  Long after the sinning, we still try to atone.   Few tried harder than Senator Kennedy.

 

Politics today is peopled by shallow actors tethered together in some Hollywood-style mutual admiration society. The Pelosis, Reids and Dodds are convinced that by co-opting the government to dispense favors, everyone will see that they are not just empty suits in search of love.  Like Presidents Nixon and Carter before them, many legislators are small men, longing for significance and hoping that power will magically transform them.

 

What did I like about Senator Kennedy?   He didn’t legislate to solve his self esteem problems.  He proposed legislation that he believed in and fought for.  When he advocated a position, he knew the argument for, the argument against and the counter-arguments for and against.  The senator could talk the details. He wasn’t a phony.  He made friends across the ideological divide, but remained religiously partisan.

In the late eighties, Kennedy responded to criticism from Democrats by acknowledging his personal shortcomings, characterizing them as “faults in the conduct of my private life.”   He went on to take responsibility and promise to do better.  Smaller men say “Even presidents have private lives.”

 

In politics, the small men call for changes in other men, other parties.  We see them, the “sorry I got caught" Republicans and the “didn’t know how I got such a favorable mortgage” Democrats.  Kennedy, like Reagan, campaigned against an incumbent president from his own party all the way to the convention.  You don’t risk political suicide for self-aggrandizement.  You do it for ideological conviction.   Reagan was about principle.  You should read the text of his GE speech for Goldwater in 1964.  1980 was hardly the perfect political storm for Kennedy.   If Kennedy had tunnel vision for the Presidency, he would have run in 1984.  To save the party from Carter, he had to run in 1980.

 

I think Senator Kennedy’s political philosophy was misguided to put it charitably.  But our lives are ultimately about more than political philosophy.  This man loved his family and his country and he worked hard for ideas he truly believed in.

 

Johnny Carson once interviewed a 95 year-old America Indian (if memory serves, he was a Spanish American war veteran).  The guest noted that he was so old, that he remembered when the men were made of iron and the ships were made of wood.  Kennedy was made of iron.  Few of his colleagues will be so remembered.

 

 

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Obama proposes piano moving reforms

 

There is rumor afloat that the administration is contemplating a comprehensive reform of the piano moving industry.  I spent 36 years in this special niche as both an employee and employer.  I thought we were sufficiently regulated and this news came as a surprise.

 

A well-connected political friend has clued me in on some of the details.  The government will mandate that movers visually inspect the instrument and the pickup and delivery sites prior to the move and provide the customer with a binding written estimate of the charges.  I told my friend that would be silly and wasteful since sufficient information can be gleaned from a phone conversation to accurately quote all but 3-4 percent of all moves.  Only those require on-site estimates and usually only at the delivery location.

 

My friend explained that there will be a net savings from all the information collected and the improved customer relations resulting from the binding estimates.  Despite the additional time demands of the regulation and higher short term costs, the reform will generate profit over time.

 

The piano moving czar has further determined that since a tuning is necessary following every move, it will be included as part of the service.  I said “A tuning is not always necessary and why should I be responsible for providing it?”  My friend replied that Speaker Pelosi had met with some lobbyists for the piano tuners guild, who assured her that it was necessary and it was simply more efficient to include it as part of the moving service.

 

“What’s next, Medicaid for indigent piano owners?” I groused.  “There is some growing concern that separating owners from their instruments at a time of such economic uncertainty could be detrimental to the pianist’s psyche.  If we subsidize the owners during the economic downturn, we could sidestep the consequences of the ensuing, widespread depression." my friend advised me. "A small tax on the surtax on the tax on the top 1 percent of wage earners will assure that no musician loses his piano during the recession.  Combined with a small contibution from the medical marjuana people, the crisis can be averted."

 

“What about my reimbursement?” I inquired.  My friend comforted me that while some sacrifices need to be made, I should be grateful that mine were only financial.  “Besides, every detail will be addressed in the piano owner bill-of-rights that Congress is hard at work on.”

 

“Do we need all these regulations, the mandates, the subsidies and a customer’s bill-of-rights, – all this oversight to produce what used to be negotiated by the buyers and sellers of services.   I’m skeptical.”  My friend sighed knowingly “Relax, it worked for health care, didn’t it?”

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Predictable outcome shocks politicians

 

 

The Community Reinvestment Act and subsequent policy coerced lenders into making mortgage loans to individuals who would not qualify for them otherwise.  The lenders, forced to comply, wrote the loans.  Then, they packaged them with some higher quality loans and sold off the unacceptable risk, immunizing their investors from the forseeable consequences of making inadvisable loans.  This outcome seems utterly predictable.

 

When the consequences of mandating these bad loans ultimately reverberated through the economy, only the politicians were shocked.  Even now, some proponents believe that the sale of these loans, not the unsustainable loans themselves, caused the banking crisis.  When 2 plus 2 turns out to be 4 yet again, only in Washington, is the outcome shocking.

 

Well, it's about to happen again.  President Obama's "public option" will have some predictable negative consequences and when they occur, politicians will be shocked and dismayed as they have assured us against these outcomes.

 

There are myriad proposals in varying states of development.  It is clear, however, that a payroll tax is in the works at or about eight percent of gross payroll for those employers who do not provide health insurance through the workplace.   Those who currently provide health insurance that costs more than eight percent against an employee’s gross wages will probably replace their plan with the eight percent solution (public option).

 

A Henry J. Kaiser foundation study in 2007 found the employer’s share of a group policy for family coverage averaged $8825 per year.  Assuming a modest five percent increase per annum, the 2009 employer’s share rises to $9698.  $9698 is eight percent of $121,225.  It stands to reason that most recipients of group health insurance make less than that, maybe $45,000.  What does this tell us?  The employer is already paying 21.55 percent against wages for the $45,000 employee.   What will this employer do when presented with an eight percent alternative.   He or she will dump the private insurance in favor of the public option.  Even if the employer is so dedicated to his employees that he chooses to stay in the private plan, he would put himself at a gross competitive disadvantage against those who select the public option.

 

This employer who is paying $9698 to cover his employee would be competing against a neighbor insuring the same $45,000 employee for $3600.  It is important to note that the insurance "company" for the public option is the government.  They are not reinsuring the risk.  They own it.  So the government promises insurance to a larger pool of people for a fraction of what the private market charges and there will be no rationing of care.

 

The public option will be the death of private insurance and only the politicians will be surprised when it happens.  When the subsequent rationing and tax increases follow, that will no doubt shock them too.

 

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Open letter to Michael Steele

Michael Steele spoke recently to the National press club.  He made a thoughtful, if somewhat pedestrian, case against the current health care reform package.  The usually passionate Mr. Steele had a hard time articulating what voters most want to know “Who are these Republicans and given the chance, what will they do?”

 

Mr. Steele:

 

Republicans have presented their opposition to the administration’s health care reform as a choice between government control and the free market.  Many voters believe that the “government control” ship has long since sailed and that Republicans helped to launch it. 

 

Republicans have come to be seen as the proponents of a more modest socialism, a less intrusive nanny-state.  If elected, they will still intrude in the marketplace, but in a more principled and efficient manner than the Democrats.  The Republican alternative will be the party of the 500 billion dollar stimulus package, mini bailouts and reluctant takeovers. 

 

Politics has devolved into talking points, key words and purposeful ambiguity.  It really is less complicated than that.  What do you believe and what will you do if elected?   I’ve taken the liberty of preparing some remarks for you.  Try them out.  I think people could vote for this kind of Republican.

 

Republicans believe every individual has differing medical and insurance needs.  They differ from age-to-age, by occupation, financial circumstance, ethnic and genetic susceptibility and geographic location.  Those needs differ not only from person to person but also change throughout one’s own lifetime.

 

No political body possesses sufficient knowledge or authority to make those personal decisions.  Do you need medical insurance more than graduate school, more than a new house or a truck?   The Republican proposal will make all physician and hospital services, medications and insurance costs dollar-for-dollar deductible from gross income whether you itemize deductions or not.  All medical expenditures will be paid with pre-tax income.  Individuals will choose how much risk to take, how much insurance to buy and what services to contract for directly.  This is as it should be.  Choice, without the trillions.

 

The special circumstances relating to the chronically ill and the indigent will be debated separately from this reform and will be implemented incrementally.  We welcome the President’s embrace of efficiencies and will test them by incorporating them into the Medicare program.    

 

 If the voters are kind enough to return us to the majority, we promise to confine our activities to the responsibilities clearly outlined in the constitution.  The constitution requires change from time to time, but that responsibility falls to the voters, not the politicians.  We promise not to use the vast resources of government to retaliate or to reward.  The ninth and tenth amendments will guide our thinking and restrain our ambitions.  The Republican party will be humble and serve the citizens, not parent or police them.

 

Call me.  I’d love to talk.

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The burden of omniscience

The burden of omniscience

 

We expect our presidents to be know-it-alls.  That personality type seems drawn to the job.  This malady usually moderates in the aftermath of elections.  Faced with a skeptical opposition, surrounded by loyal, but practical supporters and a dispassionate, inquiring press, the president is constrained.  The message is always the same.  You are a leader, not a king.

 

Until now.  The "thrill down my leg" and "Obama, above it all, like God" moments could undermine any man's humility and seem to have scrambled President Obama's.  We saw early evidence at the convention when he spoke the words "This is the moment when the rise of the oceans slowed and the planet started to heal.”

 

Unfortunately, the only lasting remedy for the omniscience phenomenon is voter sanity.  Control of both houses and a filibuster-proof majority in the hands of a sitting president, any president, is a bad idea.  It reinforces the delusion, rather than disarming it.  Worse, it fuels the impulse to act without caution rather than suppressing it.    

 

The press, having campaigned for this president, is caught in a trap of their own making.  They defend his initiatives today, more in their own defense than the policy's.  The principled opposition is toothless because they campaigned and governed as nanny-state lite for the past twenty years.  The only plausible opposition comes from conservative Democrats, but they want to get elected too.  Opposing the stimulus and health-care reform probably doesn't help many of them.

 

The country has survived the omniscience phenomenon in the past because it was purely a politician's disease.  It is potentially more problematic this time because the president's delusion is shared by many voters and the press.  If the country believes this president to be omniscient, we had better hope that he really is.

 

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Black, white and grey in Boston

 

 

There is a certain preordained futility in writing about race in America.  If you hope to persuade, you are usually just wasting computer memory.

 

That said, the sergeant’s account of the events rings true.  He didn’t know if Dr. Gates was the victim of a home invasion or just a homeowner who had lost his keys.  Might an intruder be in the house unbeknown to Dr. Gates or perhaps threatening him?  The police officer is there to ascertain the facts.  I’m sure that this officer has been confronted with race-tinged hostility on other occasions.  What happened here?  We don’t know. 

 

While I suspect that Professor Gates jumped to the wrong conclusion concerning this event, his response was drawn from a lifetime of experience, not a moment’s.  Gate’s journey started in West Virginia in the fifties and encompasses twenty years in Boston.  When the definitive history of race relations in America is finally written, Boston will not be one of the happy chapters.  It would be naive to think that either man can or should leave their baggage (personal experience) at home.

 

Dr. Gates isn’t a professional race baiter.  His views, while hardly conservative, are characterized by thoughtfulness and he has publicly taken positions that conservatives have wholeheartedly endorsed. 

 

Sergeant Conway defended himself (against all advice I’m sure) and I have to admire that.  Back during the Reagan era, Iran-Contra hearings, George Schultz alone testified without counsel at his side, monitoring every word.  I was pretty sure that I was detecting honesty then and I think it is probably true here.  If the facts support you, no lawyer’s advice should silence you.

 

Dr. Gates probably misread some of the interaction and then Sgt. Conway personalized it.  I find both reactions regrettable and understandable.  Sometimes we just get it wrong.  There are events that truly have larger implications.  This is not one of them.

 

 

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"In the weeds" on health reform

  

In the restaurant business, waitresses, bartenders and line cooks sometimes get hopelessly behind.  We are doing our best but we are irretrievably lost, "in the weeds".  Extra effort just makes it worse and only tomorrow's coming will set things right again.
 
President Obama made some brief remarks in the Rose garden yesterday promoting the health care package that is currently being debated in Congress.  He is trying really hard, but it is slipping away.  He is 'in the weeds' and only a new day saves him.

 

The president said “They (opponents) would maintain a system that works for the insurance and drug companies while becoming increasingly unaffordable for families and businesses.”  How is it working for them, if, as the president acknowledges, their customers are less able to afford their products?

 

The president later said “Let me repeat that.  If you like your plan, you will be able to keep it.”  It would have been more accurate to say….If your plan survives the coming reform, you will be allowed to keep it.

 

Mr. Obama further assured the public that “Each bill provides a public option that will keep insurance companies honest, ensuring the competition necessary to make coverage affordable.”   Read that statement carefully. It is breathtaking in its arrogance.  The government’s remedy, aka the public option, will prevent companies from following their dishonest predilections.  This government-generated honesty will then produce the competition that evidently is lacking now

 

Health care or more accurately, medical care could use some attention.  The White House plan gets less focused every time someone speaks about it.  It is hard to make a coherent argument for it because no one knows what is in it.  The president is reduced to saying that it is comprehensive, fair and urgently needed but it doesn't ring true.  The public wants to know why it is necessary, why right now, what it entails and how it is going to work. 

 The public option is not new.  The government has provided us with three public options to date, Medicaid, Medicare and VA health care. Are we confident that the strategies and bureaucratic structures that have made these three a model of service delivery and financial viability will work for the rest of the health care market?
 
The president is very focused on leadership.  He needs to lead this to a halt and wait for tomorrow to come.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Line item veto for Catholics

Line item veto for Catholics.

 

Kathleen Kennedy Townsend observed in a Newsweek editorial on July 9, 2009 that President Obama’s agenda better represented the views of American Catholics than the Pope’s.  The political analysis may be correct and if the Pope were the chief lobbyist for the America Catholic laity, relevant.  But in the context of religious belief, her observations are more an indictment of Catholics than the Pope.

 

People, in and outside the Catholic church, debate the right or wrongfulness of war, euthanasia, stem-cell research, abortion and capital punishment.  The conclusions drawn are influenced by reason, ethics, politics and yes, faith.  Only in recent years, would it be considered acceptable to co-opt the mantle of one’s faith to deride it.

 

The faith she references is an ocean wide and an inch deep.  Faith has political currency today and both the left and the right are in the market for a prominent Catholic to carry their water.  Kennedy Townsend fits the bill for the left.  Townsend notes that “polls bear out the fact that Catholics do not want the Vatican to tell them what to think.” 

 

She thinks that the Pontiff “could learn from Obama’s style of respectful disagreement,” yet she wants more.  She sees the Pope’s respectful disagreements less charitably.   Rather than being the voice of Church teaching, she envisions the Pope’s proper role as a celebrity endorser for progressive Catholicism.

 

The modern faithful worship a more “user friendly” God than the one introduced to us in the Baltimore catechism.  This God isn’t pushy, knows his/her place and doesn’t much interfere.  A God more “invented” than revealed, endorsing our decisions but not influencing them.  He appears all over the political map.   The Almighty has strong pro-gun and anti-immigration leanings in the South and holds an equally passionate (and divine) position in support of assisted suicide farther west.

 

We could successfully transform the Pope into a mere conduit for the current leanings of the faithful.  In so doing, we make the Pope into the Press Secretary for Catholicism.  There is no going back from that point.  The credibility of the Papacy derives largely from its willingness to be pro-actively tone deaf to the politics.

 

An American Catholic politician who proposes that the shepherd should follow the flock is akin to an anti-civil rights Democrat or pro tax increase Republican.    

 

Townsend can legitimately borrow the Kennedy aura to wax on things political and frankly, she should be commended for her passion.  If she correctly portrays the state of Catholic political thought, it should be so acknowledged.  As a political citizen, she is on solid ground.  As a person of faith, she is way out on a limb.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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